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Kapal Tembikar Celtic, Marne, Prancis

Kapal Tembikar Celtic, Marne, Prancis


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Pemandangan Leluhur

Orang-orang Zaman Besi awal yang berbahasa Celtic yang tinggal di Jerman Barat Daya, Prancis timur, dan Swiss di utara Pegunungan Alpen tidak memiliki sistem penulisan mereka sendiri. Untuk petunjuk tentang cara hidup mereka dan tradisi budaya mereka antara sekitar 700 dan 400 SM, kami memiliki sisa-sisa pemukiman bukit dan gundukan pemakaman mereka. Kostum, ornamen, teknologi, praktik pertanian, arsitektur, dan sisa-sisa material lainnya dari penutur Celtic awal ini akrab dan aneh. Mereka adalah salah satu orang Eropa pertama yang tercatat memiliki celana panjang, dan mereka memproduksi kain kotak-kotak dan bergaris berkualitas tinggi setidaknya pada 700 SM. Namun mereka tidak memiliki kancing, tetapi mengikat pakaian mereka dengan fibula, peniti dekoratif yang terbuat dari perunggu, besi, dan lebih jarang lagi emas dan perak. Rumah mereka terbuat dari kayu dengan atap sirap atau jerami dan akan tampak sempit tetapi akrab bagi kita hari ini, dengan peralatan pertanian besi dan senjata tergantung di dinding dan bejana tembikar diatur di rak dan di meja tempat keluarga duduk untuk makan.


Kapal Tembikar Celtic, Marne, Prancis - Sejarah

MELANJUTKAN KE B RISTANY (bagian dua)

Ada perbedaan yang cukup besar dalam karakter seni Celtic yang ditemukan pada mata uang dan yang ditemukan pada artefak lainnya. Ini tidak terjadi dengan orang Yunani: koin mereka biasanya menampilkan contoh miniatur, kadang-kadang terpotong, dari karya marmer dan perunggu, atau lukisan vas. Bagi bangsa Celt, seni bersifat dekoratif dan tunduk pada bentuk objek yang dihiasnya. Sementara seorang pelukis vas Yunani juga mendekorasi sebuah objek, ia akan lebih cenderung menggunakan badan vas, seperti kita akan menggunakan kanvas. Dekorasi abstrak akan digunakan untuk membingkai subjek representasional. Pengecualian untuk ini ada dua: di mana kapal itu sendiri berbentuk seperti sesuatu yang lain, seperti dalam kasus rhyton, tanduk minum sering dalam bentuk binatang atau burung dan di mana tidak ada subjek representasi yang digambarkan - dalam hal ini, abstrak dekorasi akan membagi bagian-bagian komponen kapal.

Untuk pikiran Celtic, desain koin adalah bagian dari objek itu sendiri, koin bukan hanya piringan logam yang dapat didekorasi dengan cara apa pun. Hal ini dapat ditunjukkan dengan adanya piringan logam lain yang digunakan oleh bangsa Celtic, sering kali sebagai hiasan kuda, perlengkapan kereta, atau hiasan kancing pada helm. Benda-benda ini didekorasi secara abstrak, dengan cara yang sama seperti artefak lainnya.

Ketika para sarjana mencoba menggambar paralel antara gambar pada koin Celtic dan bentuk seni Celtic lainnya, mereka berebut untuk menemukan representasinya. Ini telah mengambil bentuk menemukan objek Celtic yang digambarkan, terutama obor, terompet Celtic, dan sosok babi hutan. Objek yang disukai untuk perbandingan adalah kuali yang ditemukan di Gundestrup di Denmark. Itu berasal dari sekitar 100 SM, dan diyakini sebagai Celtic timur, dengan pengaruh asing. Kuali menggambarkan berbagai adegan mitologis, dan meskipun gambarnya adalah Celtic, itu bukan tipikal seni Celtic. Ketika gambar pada koin Celtic tidak dapat dibandingkan dengan gambar pada kuali Gundestrup, artefak Celtic, atau prototipe dari dunia klasik, maka menjadi penting untuk menggambar paralel dengan literatur Celtic kemudian. Semua ini lebih relevan dengan mitologi Celtic daripada seni Celtic, dan berasal dari kebingungan antara gaya dan subjek.

Saya dapat mengilustrasikan hal ini dengan dua penggalan puisi yang pertama dari "The Circus Animals' Desertion" oleh penyair Irlandia, W. B. Yeats:

"Pertama, penunggang laut Oisin yang dipimpin oleh hidung
Melalui tiga pulau ajaib. "

Fragmen kedua adalah dari "Di Paha Raksasa Putih" oleh penyair Welsh, Dylan Thomas:

"Dan mendengar cabul, dirayu, ladang mengalir ke es yang akan datang."

Contoh Yeats berisi citra Celtic, tetapi gayanya bukan Celtic. Contoh Dylan tidak mengandung citra Celtic, tetapi rima internal dan kesamaan suara adalah tipikal puisi Celtic awal. Jadi kita dapat mengatakan bahwa Yeats menggunakan subjek Celtic, dan Dylan menggunakan gaya Celtic.

Mari kita periksa baris Dylan lebih teliti: empat kata utama, "cabul merayu, aliran medan" berisi delapan belas huruf, masing-masing dari enam huruf yang berbeda digunakan di tiga tempat. Dalam kata apa pun yang mengandung huruf-huruf itu, 1 mendahului w atau d, w mendahului d, f mendahului 1 atau d, dan jika ada d dalam kata, itu ada di akhir. Ini dapat dibandingkan dengan desain Celtic yang dibagi menjadi empat zona, masing-masing zona mengandung elemen desain yang sama, tetapi masing-masing menggunakannya dalam pola yang berbeda. Sepintas desainnya tampak repetitif, tetapi saat kita melihat lebih dekat variasinya bisa terlihat.

Dalam contoh kata, perbedaan dan rima internal langsung terlihat, tetapi pola visualnya perlu dipelajari. Kebalikan dari apa yang tampak jelas ini adalah karena kita melek huruf dan lebih mudah mengenali bunyi dan membedakan makna daripada kita melihat kesamaan struktural dalam kata-kata yang disebabkan oleh frekuensi dan posisi huruf. Ini bukan untuk mengatakan bahwa Dylan secara sadar mengatur elemen-elemennya dengan cara mekanis yang rumit, tetapi bahwa ia menulis dengan nuansa bahasa berdasarkan tradisi Celtic.

Karena subjek yang digambarkan pada koin Celtic adalah bagian integral dari objek itu, dekorasi sebenarnya adalah ornamen pada dan di sekitar subjek, bukan seluruh desain yang dicap pada cakram logam. Dengan kata lain, dalam kasus koin Coriosolite, jenis dekorasi berada di bawah penggambaran kepala di satu sisi dan kereta yang digerakkan di sisi lain. Jadi, untuk menentukan asal-usul gaya itu sendiri, kita harus mengabaikan subjek, dan fokus pada dekorasi, atau elemen desain yang lebih kecil, yang merupakan hiasan pada subjek utama.

Kelangkaan seni Celtic, bersama dengan fakta bahwa artefak yang dihias sering ditemukan agak jauh dari tempat pembuatannya, membuat sulit untuk menentukan arah gaya tertentu. Kesulitan ini diperbaiki dengan adanya beberapa ciri khas gaya daerah. korpus Paul Jacobsthal, Seni Celtic Awal, telah terbukti sangat berharga untuk tugas ini. Survei arkeologi regional berisi beberapa karya seni penting. Sebagian besar situs menghasilkan artefak yang lebih sederhana dan survei sering kali mengecualikan temuan yang terisolasi dan kebetulan oleh anggota masyarakat, dan barang-barang tersebut digali sebelum metode perekaman modern.

Jacobsthal mencatat hampir lima ratus pola yang berbeda: keragaman desain ini merupakan ciri khas seni Celtic dan kesejajaran yang tepat antara desain sulit ditemukan, sehingga banyak dari pola ini langsung dikenali sebagai Celtic. Ini adalah kegemaran Celtic untuk variasi yang hampir tak terbatas pada beberapa tema yang membuatnya demikian. Desain modern biasanya menggunakan lebih sedikit elemen, dan pengulangan ada di mana-mana, sehingga penggunaan kosakata visual yang begitu besar mungkin sulit untuk kita pahami. Ingatlah bahwa desain yang direkam oleh Jacobsthal dipilih dari apa yang telah bertahan berkali-kali sehingga jumlah itu bisa ada. Ini mungkin tidak terlalu mengejutkan jika kita menganggap bahwa seluruh tubuh sastra Inggris Modern hanya terdiri dari dua puluh enam huruf.

Dengan menjadi sespesifik mungkin dalam perbandingan kami dengan elemen desain pada koin dan artefak lainnya, dan dengan menghindari elemen yang terlalu sederhana dalam desainnya, seperti lingkaran, ikal, spiral penuh, dan bentuk "S" sederhana, kita dapat menemukan kemungkinan asal gaya Armorican.

Tiga elemen desain berikut terdaftar dengan referensi ke katalog koin di mana mereka dapat dilihat dalam paralel terkuat, variasi lain tidak tercantum di sini. Terhadap ini adalah pola (P), dan jumlah artefak seperti yang tercantum dan diilustrasikan dalam Jacobsthal.

S gulir dengan daun: Koin 19 dan 21, Jacobsthal P409, No. 100, sarung perunggu dari Weisskirchen, Saar. Kuburan A. Ada lebih banyak daun di sarungnya daripada yang ada di koin, tetapi turunannya dapat dilihat terutama catatan split-palmette yang disederhanakan yang dikeluarkan dari atas bentuk S: pada koin, ini menjadi daun yang mengarah ke luar .
S bentuk split-palmette turunan: Koin 24 dan banyak lainnya dari Seri X dan Y, Jacobsthal P412, No. 350, gesper ikat pinggang perunggu bertatahkan karang dari Weisskirchen, Saar. Juga dari Kuburan A. Di sini paralelnya dekat: ini adalah salah satu elemen paling umum pada koin Coriosolite, dan dapat dilihat di kepala kuda dan kepala pengemudi di Seri X dan Y, serta kepala di atas kuda poni di Seri Y.
Bentuk daun lebar: dalam hubungannya dengan ornamen ikal pada surai koin Grup M: Jacobsthal No. 20, ornamen foil emas dengan tatahan amber dari Weisskirchen, Saar No. 21, ornamen foil emas dengan cakram amber dari Schwabsburg, Rhinehessen No. 23, overlay emas pada perunggu " sendok" dari Klein Aspergle, Wurttemberg No. 24, ornamen foil emas dari Eygenbilsen, Limburg, Belgia.

Bentuk serupa dapat ditemukan pada artefak lain dari Jerman, tetapi saya baru saja membuat daftar yang paling dekat dengan bentuk ornamen surai. Ada satu penggambaran kuda dengan ornamen surai ini yang dilukis di atas vas dari Bethany, Marne, Prancis. Jacobsthal menelusuri asal usul kuda, bukan ornamennya, ke Val Camonica di Italia utara. Kesamaan bentuk daun lebar dengan ikal dan mahkota daun kepala pada fragmen perunggu terkenal dari Waldalgesheim, Hunsruck, juga harus diperhatikan.

Artefak di atas adalah buatan Celtic dan umumnya berasal dari lingkungan yang sama dengan koin gaya Armorican yang ditemukan di wilayah Treveri, sehingga memperkuat hubungan antara kedua tempat ini. Artefak dari bagian lain dunia Celtic memiliki gaya yang berbeda.

Kita dapat melacak desain ini lebih jauh Bangsa Celtic di Rhineland kaya akan emas, dan ini membuat mereka menjadi mitra dagang yang menarik bagi orang lain. Mereka menyukai barang-barang mewah dan anggur sumber untuk sebagian besar impor ini adalah Italia utara. Di Kuburan A di Weisskirchen terdapat sebuah guci perunggu paruh Etruscan (pelat Jacobsthal 245e) di dasar pegangannya terdapat dua bentuk koma yang berlawanan, ekornya berakhir dengan ikal. Hanya dibutuhkan pembalikan ikal untuk memberikan ikal dan bentuk daun. Bentuk ikal dan daun dalam bentuk familiarnya disediakan oleh amphora oleh pelukis Villa Giulia (pelat Jacobsthal 245g) di sini ada daun tambahan, seperti yang dapat dilihat pada gulungan koin dari kelompok D hingga G. Jacobsthal adalah berpendapat bahwa inspirasi Celtic tidak diambil dari impor tembikar, tetapi dari perunggu Italia dengan desain serupa. Babi pada koin Grup A, dengan kepala yang digariskan dan gading yang keluar dari atas moncong dengan cara badak dapat dibandingkan dengan babi hutan yang menghiasi helm Etruria (plat Jacobsthal 222a). Hidung pengemudi pada Coin 82 dapat dibandingkan dengan desain bentuk serupa dalam kombinasi dengan palmette di dasar pegangan oinochoe Etruscan dari Perugia. Split-palmette diwakili pada ini dan sebagian besar koin lainnya oleh lambang pengemudi. Saya telah menyebutkan bentuk hidung lituus pada kepala depan koin Grup B, sekali lagi berasal dari Etruria.

Dari ratusan pola dan artefak Celtic yang diilustrasikan oleh Jacobsthal, hanya ada tujuh yang mengandung elemen yang muncul dalam beberapa bentuk pada koin Coriosolites. Dari jumlah tersebut, tiga ditemukan di kuburan Celtic di Weisskirchen, Saar dua lainnya ditemukan juga di barat daya Jerman dan dua lainnya, dari Belgia dan Prancis. Saar adalah penghubung dari berbagai desain. Bendera Etruscan dari kuburan Celtic di Weisskirchen memberikan bukti perdagangan dengan Italia, dan kesamaan berbagai elemen desain Coriosolite dengan yang ditemukan pada barang Etruscan menambah penekanan lebih lanjut pada koneksi.

Ini mendukung teori bahwa koin-koin jenis Armorican dari Saar dan negeri-negeri sekitarnya mendahului koin-koin dari Armorica, dan pergerakan para pengrajin, membawa tradisi mereka, membentuk gaya itu di sana.

Sudah lama ada persepsi pengaruh timur pada seni Celtic: istilah "orientasi" yang diberikan untuk fitur ini adalah kuno dan membingungkan pikiran modern. Ini benar-benar mengacu pada dugaan hubungan antara Celtic dari Danube dan Scythians dari sana ke arah timur ke Volga. Dipercaya bahwa Celtic, yang bermigrasi ke barat dari tanah air mereka di sekitar Danube, memelihara hubungan perdagangan dengan Scythes tetangga dan dari merekalah pengaruh Persia dan Kekaisaran Timur lainnya ditransmisikan. Teori ini dilemahkan oleh hampir tidak adanya barang-barang manufaktur timur di wilayah Celtic.

Sejumlah besar elemen desain timur ini dapat ditemukan pada barang-barang Etruscan. Orang Etruria sendiri tidak bertanggung jawab atas hal ini, meskipun banyak yang percaya bahwa orang Etruria berasal dari timur, pengaruhnya ditransmisikan oleh pengrajin Yunani timur yang melarikan diri dari penindasan Persia, bermigrasi ke Italia utara. Di sana mereka mendirikan bengkel dan tidak diragukan lagi makmur dengan melayani Etruria yang mencari kesenangan dan suku Celtic di utara. Teori yang lebih masuk akal tentang bagaimana pengaruh timur masuk ke seni Celtic didukung oleh elemen timur pada barang-barang Etruscan, dan barang-barang Etruscan di kuburan Celtic. Tidak ada alasan untuk bingung tentang elemen desain dalam seni Celtic yang juga muncul di Kreta, Siprus, Rhodes, dan daratan Asia Kecil.

Keakraban dengan bentuk-bentuk seni asing bukanlah alasan tersendiri bagi desain-desain ini untuk melintasi batas-batas budaya. Bangsa Celtic tidak menyalin elemen figuratif seni Yunani dan Etruria sampai tingkat apa pun: itu adalah abstraksi bentuk tanaman yang pertama kali menyentuh akord dalam kesadaran Celtic, dan kemudian menjadi raison d' tre seni mereka.

Lanskap memiliki kekuatan untuk mengubah jiwa. Ketika bangsa Celtic bermigrasi ke tanah yang lebih hijau, mereka menjadi terkesan dengan karunia alam, dan mungkin yang paling penting, dengan produk dari pokok anggur. Apakah kekayaan alam ini sesuai dengan kepercayaan yang dipegang sebelumnya, atau apakah itu mengilhami agama baru, kita tidak bisa mengatakannya. Itu, bagaimanapun, secara radikal mengubah seni mereka.

Bentuk tanaman yang mereka temukan di tanah, dan di kapal impor dari selatan, sehingga mempengaruhi kesadaran mereka. Rasa takjub yang akan dialami oleh lebih dari beberapa orang ini adalah apa yang Abraham Maslow sebut sebagai "pengalaman puncak" tulisnya:

Bentuk-bentuk pinjaman ini diadaptasi dan diperluas oleh bangsa Celtic, menjadi simbol, mungkin tidak dengan makna verbal tertentu, tetapi sebagai ekspresi momen pencerahan asli mereka saat melihat lingkungan baru mereka. Elemen desain menjadi diformalkan, sering diregionalisasi, dan sebagai bagian dari repertoar pengrajin Celtic, diturunkan dari generasi ke generasi, bergerak bersama orang-orang ke wilayah baru.

Simbol yang lebih geometris, banyak yang berasal dari zaman megalitik, dipertahankan atau diadopsi. Beberapa di antaranya memiliki relevansi khusus dengan penduduk asli yang berbagi tanah dengan Celtic dan secara bertahap, melalui sinkretisme, mereka diserap ke dalam agama Celtic.

Jadi kami menemukan sintesis yang luar biasa dalam koin Coriosolites dan tetangga mereka jenis yang pada akhirnya berasal dari asli Yunani, menggabungkan elemen desain yang diadaptasi dari tanah air mereka di dekat Rhine ini terinspirasi oleh impor Etruscan, yang mengandung citra timur, dan termasuk, sebagai Nah, simbol dari budaya megalitik di Eropa Barat. Itu bukan pastiche yang serampangan, tetapi tema yang dibuat dengan hati-hati dengan variasi filosofi agama mengikuti estetika dan struktur yang sama dengan seni desain, dan sajak internal dan aliterasi puisi Celtic.


Volume ketiga dari seri BEFIM ini membahas sejarah hidup kapal dari pemukiman awal Celtic hillfort Heuneburg dan Vix-Mont Lassois, dari pemeriksaan rinci proses pembuatan hingga penggunaan dan modifikasi produk akhir. Pivotal adalah program eksperimen ekstensif dari lusinan eksperimen yang diarahkan pada pemahaman yang lebih baik tentang cara tembikar ini dibuat dan digunakan.

Partisipasi seorang pembuat tembikar yang berpengalaman memungkinkan kami untuk mereproduksi replika yang tepat dari barang-barang yang berbeda dan mengeksplorasi secara rinci jejak produksi dan efek temper, suhu pemanggangan, dan sebagainya pada perkembangan jejak produksi dan keausan. Terutama variasi dalam bahan temper, seperti penambahan kalsit yang sering diamati dalam tembikar arkeologi, sangat mempengaruhi karakteristik jejak keausan penggunaan yang kemudian berkembang dari persiapan produk yang berbeda (anggur anggur, anggur madu, berbagai jenis bubur, dll. ).

Pengaruh produksi alkohol, termasuk fermentasi, pada tembikar juga dieksplorasi. Kami juga menguji pengaruh berbagai gerakan dalam menyiapkan makanan dan minuman (mencampur, mengaduk, menumbuk), cara penyimpanan dan penanganan yang berbeda, dan cara konsumsi seperti penuangan menggunakan berbagai jenis peralatan.

Jejak yang kami amati pada kapal eksperimental, menggunakan pendekatan daya rendah dan tinggi yang terintegrasi, membentuk dasar untuk interpretasi kami terhadap barang-barang arkeologi dari Heuneburg dan Vix-Mont Lassois. Data kami tentang sejarah kehidupan tembikar menambah wawasan yang lebih rinci tentang jalur makanan, termasuk kebiasaan minum, dari komunitas Celtic Awal di Eropa Tengah. Buku ini menyajikan secara rinci program eksperimen dan pengamatan arkeologi.


PAMERAN PERMANEN

Museum Romano-Jerman di Cologne menampilkan warisan arkeologi kota dan sekitarnya di area seluas sekitar 4.500 meter persegi. Pameran mewakili 100.000 tahun sejarah pemukiman di Rhineland, dari zaman Palaeolitik hingga awal Abad Pertengahan.

Temuan tertua di museum berhubungan dengan pemburu-pengumpul yang berkeliaran di seluruh Rhineland di era Palaeolitik dan Mesolitik. Pada milenium ke-6 SM, orang-orang menetap di desa-desa dan tinggal di rumah-rumah besar. Penemuan pemukiman Linear-Pottery-Culture di Cologne-Lindenthal merupakan tonggak sejarah dalam penelitian Neolitik di Eropa. Alat-alat batu, senjata, dan bejana tembikar buatan tangan mencerminkan kehidupan sehari-hari orang-orang ini yang hidup hampir 8.000 tahun yang lalu.

Temuan dari pemakaman dan pemukiman Zaman Perunggu dan Besi pra-Romawi mencerminkan masyarakat pertanian berikutnya di Rhineland. Pada milenium terakhir SM, Rhineland dihuni oleh suku Celtic dan Jermanik yang mengubur orang mati mereka di bawah gundukan kuburan, disertai dengan bejana tembikar dan benda-benda batu dan logam untuk perjalanan mereka ke alam baka.

Penekanan utama museum adalah pada bukti sejarah Romawi Cologne, yang berlangsung hampir lima ratus tahun. Patung miniatur Kaisar Augustus, terbuat dari kaca hitam dengan lapisan hijau pirus, adalah pengingat pendiri kota. Baik Dionysos Mosaic yang terkenal di dunia, berasal dari abad ke-3 M, dan monumen setinggi 15 meter untuk legiun veteran Lucius Poblicius dari abad ke-1 M dapat dikagumi &minus siang dan malam &minus dari luar museum melalui panorama besar jendela.

Pengingat penting dari sejarah kota termasuk lengkungan batu besar dari gerbang utara yang menyandang inisial kota CCAA (Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium). Museum Romano-Jermanik juga memiliki koleksi kaca Romawi terbesar di dunia dari abad ke-1 hingga ke-4: yang perlu disebutkan secara khusus di sini adalah sejumlah besar bejana kaca Romawi yang mewah, seperti labu figuratif cetakan, 'utas ular' kapal, kaca potong dan, tentu saja, cangkir sangkar yang spektakuler.

Tukang emas dan tukang batu Romawi juga menciptakan benda-benda luar biasa, misalnya miniatur amber yang berharga. Lukisan dinding yang mewah dan mosaik yang mahal, seperti Philosophers Mosaic yang terkenal, dilengkapi dengan townhouse elegan yang juga berisi benda-benda yang dibuat oleh pembuat tembikar Cologne: misalnya, piala berburu yang diperdagangkan hingga ke Inggris.

Contoh-contoh luar biasa dari seni tukang emas yang dikumpulkan oleh Baron Johannes von Diergardt menjadi salah satu koleksi perhiasan emas internasional yang paling menonjol dari Periode Migrasi. Elemen kostum yang dikenakan oleh pengembara Eurasia dan suku-suku Jermanik pada abad ke-4 hingga ke-6 ditemukan di seluruh Eropa, dari Krimea hingga Spanyol. Mahkota Kerch, cincin kuil dan mahkota dari Tiligul terkenal di dunia.

Temuan termuda di Museum Romano-Jermanik berasal dari periode Merovingian (abad ke-5-7). Pemakaman kaum Frank dari penduduk kota dan masyarakat desa di sekitar Cologne sering kali berisi banyak barang kuburan yang dimaksudkan untuk digunakan dalam kehidupan di akhirat. Barang-barang kuburan ini adalah bukti sejarah budaya abad pertengahan awal.


Kapal Tembikar Celtic, Marne, Prancis - Sejarah

Satu-satunya koloni Yunani utama di tanah "Celtic" adalah Massalia (Marseille) di dekat mulut Rhône, didirikan ca. 600 SM oleh Phocaeans dari Asia Kecil yang telah diancam atau dipindahkan oleh Persia. Wilayah di sekitar Massalia dihuni oleh orang-orang Liguria yang secara historis gelap, nama "Celtic" dari suku lokal (Segobrigii) adalah sugestif, dan Massalia tentu saja dikelilingi oleh "Celt" selama periode La Tène yang bersejarah. Pada abad ketiga atau kedua SM, "Celt" lokal menggunakan alfabet Yunani dalam prasasti Galia. Strabo menggambarkan Massalia pada abad pertama SM sebagai sekolah untuk orang barbar (IV.1.5), jelas merupakan sekolah yang praktis karena kontrak dengan tetangga "Celt" ditulis dalam bahasa Yunani (IV.1.5). Namun, para sejarawan tidak menceritakan proses di mana tingkat Helenisasi ini dicapai, atau seberapa awal dimulainya. Representasi diri Massalia di Perbendaharaan di Delphi dan dalam arsitekturnya sendiri menekankan hubungan alam Yunani dan Romawi dengan penduduk setempat tampaknya menguntungkan dan sering kali bermusuhan. Sumber-sumber menggambarkan "sebuah kota yang telah memutuskan untuk tetap tidak berubah dalam bentuk Yunani kuno" (Momigliano 1975, 56). Sedikit informasi tentang tetangga non-Yunani yang akan datang. Kita dapat berasumsi bahwa kehadiran Massalia di dekatnya menggelitik rasa ingin tahu "Celtic". Sama seperti paparan kemewahan Italia pasti telah memainkan peran dalam menarik "Celt" untuk menyerang Italia, tidak diragukan lagi kekayaan Massaliote memicu keinginan "Celtic", yang mengarah ke serangan abad keempat. Pembuatan tembikar dengan cara Massaliote dan, secara signifikan, minum dan menanam anggur menjadi cukup lazim di antara penduduk lembah Rhode (Dietler 1990). Ada kemungkinan bahwa ekonomi lokal berkembang sebagai tanggapan terhadap para pedagang Yunani di tengah-tengah mereka, memanfaatkan kendali mereka atas saluran air dan jalan pedalaman, dan menemukan pasar yang siap untuk bahan mentah dan budak. Tak satu pun dari ini menunjukkan percampuran sejati dengan orang Yunani sebelum periode Romawi, sebaliknya, Helenisasi yang kita temukan di daerah sekitar Massalia tampaknya terbatas pada fasilitasi jumlah kontak yang diperlukan untuk keuntungan ekonomi dan sedikit lagi.

Massalia bukan satu-satunya, atau bahkan yang utama, titik kontak yang dengannya "Celt" dapat di-Hellenisasi. "Celt" bertugas sebagai tentara bayaran di seluruh Mediterania, termasuk menjalankan tugas baik dengan dan melawan orang Yunani. Mereka sangat mobile, menyerang Italia sejauh Roma di awal abad keempat Yunani ke Delphi di ketiga dan menetap di Helenistik Anatolia. Tentara bayaran "Celtic" di Mesir Ptolemeus menulis prasasti dalam bahasa Yunani (Momigliano 1975, 53). Akhirnya, berbagai benda Yunani dan Italia menemukan jalannya ke Eropa "Celtic" melalui banyak jalan yang berbeda, mungkin melibatkan kontak dengan pedagang Yunani di beberapa titik. The "Celts" memiliki banyak kesempatan untuk mengamati orang Yunani mereka menunjukkan diri mereka menerima anggur Yunani dan belajar bahasa Yunani ketika bijaksana. Masih menjadi pertanyaan seberapa banyak "Hellenisasi" aktif dapat dikatakan telah terjadi pada akhir Hallstatt dan periode awal La Tène dan efek apa yang mungkin terjadi pada seni "Celtic".

Kesimpulan yang dicapai dalam studi ini paralel, pada tingkat seni-historis, hasil diskusi antropologis baru-baru ini dan interpretasi konteks arkeologi. Menantang model Helenisasi, saya berpendapat bahwa impor dari Mediterania dan adaptasi elemen Mediterania sebenarnya tidak membuktikan emulasi budaya Yunani "Celtic" dan juga tidak mewakili definisi diri "Celtic" sebagai "barbar" vis-à-vis Mediterania budaya yang lebih tinggi [I.]. Model-model yang mendalilkan segala jenis ketergantungan pada barang-barang mewah yang diimpor dari selatan adalah tanpa dasar arkeologis.

Ini bukan untuk mengatakan bahwa sistem dunia atau model pusat-pinggiran tidak dapat menjelaskan dinamika dalam lokalitas "Celtic" bersama dengan teori interaksi antar-wilayah antar-politik, rekonstruksi antropologis ini dapat memberikan satu-satunya jalan kita menuju pemahaman perkembangan di dalam negeri "Celtic", dengan tidak adanya catatan tertulis. Pendapat saya adalah bahwa pusat-pusat harus dicari di dalam wilayah "Celtic" itu sendiri, dan dinamika harus dipahami pertama-tama dalam sistem lokal, kemudian dalam jaringan "Celtic" antarwilayah, dan akhirnya dalam sistem yang berdekatan di Italia Utara dan Eropa Timur. [II.].

Studi seni "Celtic" telah diinformasikan oleh bias difusi yang mendasari model Helenisasi [III.]. Ini sebagian besar terdiri dari pencarian elemen dan interpretasi Yunani yang mengklaim emulasi elemen budaya Yunani bersama dengan gaya dan motif visual. Studi-studi ini gagal menunjukkan bagaimana gambaran-gambaran spesifik dan ide-ide terkaitnya akan dibawa ke negeri-negeri "Celtic". Ada diskontinuitas antara kronologi seni "Celtic" dan sejarah interaksi antara "Celt" dan Mediterania. Transmisi unsur-unsur orientalisasi melalui orang-orang Yunani daripada langsung dari Timur atau melalui Italia tidak diperdebatkan secara meyakinkan. Objek yang diimpor digunakan dalam konteks praktik lokal, seperti halnya objek "Celtic" digunakan secara tidak mengejutkan, impor artistik juga sepenuhnya dimasukkan ke dalam sistem visual lokal. Pemeriksaan konteks arkeologi dari impor Mediterania yang ditemukan di makam "Celtic" mengungkapkan "Celtization" dari objek daripada "Hellenisasi" dari budaya.

I. "Celt" dan Mediterania

Abad ketujuh, keenam dan kelima SM. melihat perkembangan dan pembungaan penuh dari negara kota Yunani, seni Orientalisasi, Kuno dan Klasik Yunani serta penulisan puisi, sejarah, dan filsafat Yunani. Secara alami, dengan penulis Yunani sebagai sumber utama kami, pandangan modern kami tentang periode ini sangat Heleno-, khususnya Athenosentris. Para penulis klasik sebagian besar diam tentang tetangga utara mereka, "Celt" awal - laporan sastra yang masih hidup ditulis dengan penghilangan temporal dan spasial yang besar, dan jauh dari objektif.

Model yang mewakili sirkulasi impor Mediterania.
Setelah Wells 1980, gbr. 4.3

Model Helenisasi sebagian besar berasal dari filosofi sejarah difusionis abad kedelapan belas dan kesembilan belas, dan dapat dilihat sebagai keturunan langsung pemikiran Renaisans di Mediterania klasik. Sejarah kita dan ideologi sejarah kita tumbuh dari keakraban dengan teks-teks Yunani dan Latin kuno. Maka, tidak mengherankan bahwa kemiringan kita pada periode di mana orang-orang Yunani kuno berkembang ditentukan oleh bagaimana mereka melihat diri mereka sendiri dan orang lain:

ini adalah gagasan bahwa budaya Yunani secara inheren lebih unggul dan menarik sehingga 'orang barbar' secara alami ingin menirunya setiap kali mereka memiliki hak istimewa untuk diekspos (Dietler 1995, 93)

Bagi orang Yunani, "Celt" bisa menjadi objek ejekan (dalam komedi), ketakutan (sebagai penjajah), eksploitasi (sebagai tentara bayaran), dan bahkan apresiasi estetika (dalam seni), tetapi mereka selalu dan tidak dapat direduksi menjadi barbar. Sejarawan pasca-Renaisans telah mengadopsi pandangan ini tentu saja, dengan standar modern, kurangnya struktur kota dan negara, dan praktik seperti pemenggalan piala musuh, dengan jelas menandai "Celt" sebagai "barbar." Model penjelasan telah memasukkan penilaian ini, seringkali secara eksplisit. Elemen penting dalam model difusionis adalah penilaian diri dari kelompok akulturasi sebagai inferior terhadap budaya yang akan ditiru ini adalah motivasi di balik penerimaan dan penggabungan "pengaruh" dari budaya yang lebih tinggi. Pauli dengan hati-hati merumuskan hubungan sebagai berikut:

Khususnya di daerah-daerah pinggiran dari kebudayaan-kebudayaan yang berkembang lebih tinggi terjadi pertukaran-pertukaran, yang tidak terbatas hanya pada pertukaran barang-barang material dan asumsi-asumsi dangkal tentang cara-cara hidup. Ketika orang-orang Yunani, dan juga Etruria, melihat orang-orang di Utara sebagai orang barbar, sebagai budaya aneh dengan adat istiadat yang aneh dan bahasa yang tidak dapat dipahami, yang terakhir, di sisi lain, dengan demikian merasakan kesadaran yang baru terbangun tentang keberbedaan, sebuah dasar penting untuk pembentukan identitas kelompok "kita" mereka. (catatan 1 Pauli 1980, 22)

Sejauh model ini menunjukkan kristalisasi identitas "Celtic" di perbatasan di mana interaksi dengan orang lain terjadi, itu sesuai dengan teori identitas etnis dan budaya yang dirumuskan oleh Barth dan lainnya. Namun, model Barth sepenuhnya bebas dari elemen kunci dalam model difusi yang diwakili di sini oleh Pauli, yaitu bahwa "Celt" melihat diri mereka sebagai "lain" bagi orang Yunani, sebagai "barbar" dan dengan demikian membutuhkan Helenisasi.

Kami memiliki ketergantungan pada catatan sastra satu sisi untuk berterima kasih atas penilaian nilai ini. Sebagai contoh, Diodoros terkejut dengan harga selangit yang akan dibayar oleh "Celt" pada zamannya untuk sebuah toples atau bahkan secangkir anggur, menghubungkannya dengan nafsu monumental untuk anggur di pihak orang-orang barbar (V.26.3 lihat Minum). Catatan itu tidak mempertahankan keterkejutan pedagang "Celtic" yang sesuai bahwa Massaliotes akan menjual anggur, komoditas yang sangat berharga, dengan imbalan barang-barang tidak penting seperti pelayan atau budak (Champion 1989, 14). Penilaian Diodoros tidak dapat dipercaya karena melihat situasi hanya dari sudut pandang pedagang Massaliote, kepada siapa anggur itu murah dan budak mahal. Ini tidak memperhitungkan harga tinggi yang pasti diminta oleh "Celt" untuk anggur eksotis, juga tidak mempertimbangkan betapa murahnya "Celt" memegang kehidupan manusia secara umum, konon bersedia menyerahkan diri untuk dieksekusi dengan imbalan kekayaan yang terdiri dari perak. , emas dan anggur (Poseidonios, dalam Athenaeus IV.154.c). Situasi yang kompleks hampir menjadi karikatur, dan dengan demikian memasuki rekonstruksi sejarah kita.

Model difusionis melangkah lebih jauh dari sumber-sumber kuno dalam melihat penduduk Eropa Zaman Besi sebagai massa yang tidak terdiferensiasi. To judge that the "Celts" saw themselves as "other" to the Greeks presupposes that they were not "other" to each other -- that the different groups shared a cohesiveness that united them vis-à-vis the Massaliote foreigners -- an assumption that is quite unfounded.

When we read that the "Celts" took on Greek "ways of life," it is important to remember that this idea is based on the presence of a few Mediterranean vessels in "Celtic" tombs. The interpretation of goods found in funerary contexts presents specific challenges that differ from that of goods in settlement, hoard, deposit or scattered contexts. Briefly, "Celtic" burial practices are quite different from those of the Greeks they show no evidence of adoption (or even awareness) of Greek "ways of death." The "Celtic" funerary assemblages are placed within specially-built chamber tombs under tumuli they clearly refer to death and the afterlife. It is highly questionable that they can tell us a great deal about activities practiced by the living. For example, the groups of vessels found in the burials have led to a pervasive assumption that the "Celts" imitated Greek drinking practices in the form of the symposion. There is, however, no archaeological or literary evidence that the "Celtic" Trinkfest took on any of the characteristics of the Greek symposion. Thus, imitation of the Symposion can be ruled out as a motive for the importation of Greek vessels. Similarly, the presence of wagons in "Celtic" tombs has been tied to the depictions of the ekphora on Greek Geometric vases -- a connection that lacks all chronological and causal coherence. Considering that the Greeks never buried wagons with their dead, emulation of that practice is an unlikely motive for the inclusion of wagons in "Celtic" tombs.

Underlying these models is the assumption that importation of Greek objects, motifs and styles was closely accompanied by the importation of Greek ideas. For an imported object to function as a carrier of meaning, ideas and cultural values, however, the receiving culture must associate and understand both the place of origin and the ideas being transmitted. We have no evidence that the ancient "Celts" so associated the Western Greek (South Italian) or Etruscan places of manufacture of nearly all imported luxury vessels with the archaic and classical Greek civilization (Dehn and Frey 1979). Furthermore, we have no way of knowing what "Greek" meant to the early "Celts." Lacking evidence that the "Celts" considered their imports Greek, or that they considered Greekness to be anything particularly special, we have little basis for the idea that the imports in question were carriers of ideas and institutions, providing Greek impetus for cultural and artistic change in Europe.

The diffusionist model is still clung to by those who "still believe that the sole historical function of the barbarians in the West and to the North was to wait passively for Hellenization and Romanization -- and presumably be glad of both when they finally came" (Ridgway 1992, 546-50). The German-language literature is still dominated by the psychological and socio-cultural argument of dependence and emulation, while the English-language prehistorians prefer to postulate an economic basis for "Celtic" acculturation.

II. Economic Interaction Models

Explanations of culture change generally take one of two stances. The evolutionary camp sees change as an internal development, while the diffusionists see change as a result of interaction with external groups. Diffusionist thought goes by many different names my focus here is on the specific core-periphery models used to explain change in Iron Age Europe.

All such models are based on the designation of the Mediterranean as central, Europe as peripheral "it has become common to speak of 'hellenization' or 'romanization,' as if such processes were natural, and Greece and Rome were naturally to be thought of as centres" (Champion 1989, 15).

Interregional interaction theory is currently an active field of anthropological inquiry (Schortman and Urban 1992) among the many approaches the core-periphery (or center-periphery) model has been particularly influential and long-lived (Champion 1989, 2 ff.).

In 1974 and the following decade, Immanuel Wallerstein formulated "world-systems analysis," a new method of explaining change within the world economy through analysis of the interactions between core, semi-peripheral and peripheral areas (Wallerstein 1974). Although Wallerstein explicitly stated that his model was only applicable to capitalist economies since the sixteenth century, his model was soon applied to pre-capitalist contexts as well. Schneider, among others, observed that Wallerstein's model underestimated the importance of luxury or prestige-goods exchanges (1977). With some adjustments, variations on the world-systems approach continue to be used in analyses of prehistoric and pre-capitalist economies (Chase-Dunn and Hall 1991, 5 ff.)

Mauss's groundbreaking 1954 Essai sur le don formulated the various aspects of the exchange of gifts within systems of reciprocity and obligation. Applied to Iron Age Europe, the model is used to explain the presence of spectacular Mediterranean imports like the Vix krater as "cadeaux diplomatiques" used to cement relationships between the local élite and their Mediterranean counterparts, or as gifts from foreign merchants who sought access to raw materials and slaves in the control of the local "princes" (e.g., Winter and Bankoff, 162 ff.). Once in the hands of the "Celtic" chieftain or "prince," they served the non-commercial function of "status-markers" within the higher strata of the local society.

Frankenstein and Rowlands based their model of culture change in Iron Age Europe on the anthropological concept of a prestige-goods economy. Their influential 1978 article considers the Hallstatt "paramount chiefs" to be entirely dependent on the importation of Greek luxury goods, for redistribution within their local economies. The imports brought about the concentration of wealth and power in the hands of a very few members of the local élite who controlled both the trading contacts with the Mediterranean and the means of the accumulation of raw materials and surplus for trade. As a result, militarization and a highly stratified society with ever more exclusive dependence on the ostentatious display of imported status markers led to instability -- "Late Hallstatt society was so fascinated by the south that it got into a blind alley at the end of which self-destruction was waiting" (note 2 Pauli 1985, 35). When around 500 BCE, sea-going trade in the western Mediterranean was severely restricted by increased Carthaginian activity, the princely Hallstatt culture collapsed "like a house of cards" (Cunliffe 1988, 32).

Aspects of these models have recently been called into question. Renfrew suggested that "the simple assertion of the operation of a 'world-system' is sometimes little more than a reiteration of the old diffusionist model, ill-concealed in a new jargon which has replaced 'focal centre' or hearth (foyer de civilisation) with the new 'core,' and 'barbarian fringe' with 'periphery'" (1986, viii). With regard to Iron Age Europe, it is particularly the "picture of a Hallstatt system effectively controlled from outside, heavily dependent on the vagaries of Greek trade" that has been vigorously refuted in recent years (Arafat and Morgan 1994, 122). Analysis of the imported objects, their find contexts and the degree of acculturation to be observed in local archaeological sites led Dietler to question "Mediterranean interests or presence in west-central Europe" (1991, 136). Finally, the archaeological record reveals no drastic break but rather continuity at many sites from the Hallstatt into the early La Tène period, undercutting arguments based on chronological parallels between Greece and Europe.

A very promising new approach was formulated in 1986 by Renfrew and Cherry. Their peer polity interaction model examines the relationships between autonomous nearby socio-political units. By narrowing the focus to clusters of neighboring communities, it reveals structures and dynamics, not always of a competitive nature, within a cultural area. Champion and Champion apply the model to point out homogeneity in the material culture, warfare, settlement patterns and burial forms within the late Hallstatt zone however, their consideration of the Mediterranean imports leads again to a dependency and house-of-cards conclusion (1986, 59-62).

At the current state of Iron Age European studies, workshops, let alone hands, economic centers, political structures and centers all have yet to be isolated and defined. Explaining regional trade and other interactions will be considerably eased once we can point out with confidence which objects were locally made, which were brought in from elsewhere,

AKU AKU AKU. Diffusionism and "Celtic" Art

The study of "Celtic" art has been profoundly affected by the dominance of diffusionist thought in the history of the field. From the beginning, early and mid-nineteenth-century discoveries of what we now call "Celtic" finds were variously considered Roman, Teutonic, British, Germanic, Helvetian, Italic, Gallic, or "Celtic" . "During the Second Empire the finds were attributed, according to the whim of the moment, to the Gauls or to the Romans" (Favret, quoted in de Navarro 1936, 302).

As late as the 1880s , Ludwig Lindenschmidt, prolific publisher of the Antiquities of Our Pagan Prehistory (Die Altertümer unserer heidnischen Vorzeit) , was "still imprisoned by the shackles of a conviction that no barbarians were capable of producing masterpieces of craftsmanship, and so ascribed to the Etruscans the material now recognized as La Tène Celtic metalwork" (Megaw and Megaw 1989, 13).

Lindenschmidt was an exception increasingly, nineteenth-century archaeologists and prehistorians came to recognize the distinctive qualities of the "Celtic" finds. Acknowledgement that the "Celtic" works were locally produced did not, however, lead to appreciation of their style. Instead, the focus shifted from trying to attribute all finds to the Mediterranean to discovering Mediterranean influence in the European works. Excavations that unearthed imported vessels from the Etruria and Greece played a large role in this quest. Déchelette's monumental 1927 Manuel d'Archéologie Préhistorique attributed sixth-century advances in barbarian Europe to the increasingly profound exertion of the "fecund influence of the great currents of the southern civilisation" (note 3 1927, III:2). Early La Tène art he termed "half-barbarian," since it would have remained stuck in monotonous repetition of geometric motifs had it not been for the impetus of Greek influence. As it was, the remarkable progress in La Tène style was fueled by "imitation of certain motifs of archaic Greek ornament" (note 4 1927, III:3).

Before Jacobsthal's groundbreaking study of Early Celtic Art , there was no doubt of the primacy and superiority of Greek art: "Celtic art was generally viewed from a classical standpoint and regarded as a degenerative derivative of southern art" ( de Navarro 1936, 319). Jacobsthal's exhaustive knowledge of Greek ornament and his discerning eye enabled him to discriminate what was original and un-Greek about "Celtic" art, and to trace indigenous stylistic developments within the framework well established in Déchelette. Despite his appreciation of "Celtic" creativity, however, Jacobsthal, steeped as he was in the classical tradition, lamented that the "Celts" were not more strongly influenced by Greek imports: "they did not decide for Greek humanity, for gay and friendly imagery: instead they chose the weird magical symbols of the East" (1944/1969, 162). His verdict on "Celtic" art expresses the deep ambivalence of the classical archaeologist confronted with an art contemporary with but alien to the familiar classical repertoire, and resistant to conventional Western interpretation:

their art also is full of contrasts. It is attractive and repellent it is far from primitiveness and simplicity, is refined in thought and technique elaborate and clever full of paradoxes, restless, puzzlingly ambiguous rational and irrational dark and uncanny -- far from the lovable humanity and the transparence of Greek art. Yet, it is a real style, the first great contribution by the barbarians to European arts (1944/1969, 163).

Jacobsthal's recognition of the place of early Iron Age "Celtic" art in Western art history has been little heeded. Subsequent surveys have treated it, if at all, as a blip on the radar screen of the linear progression of the classical tradition as one of several barbarian aberrations (e.g., Honour and Fleming 1991, 136-137) or as paving the way for later, more significant Christian-era developments (note 5). Fortunately, such perceptive and enthusiastic scholars as the Megaws have recently devoted entire volumes and lengthy studies specifically to the arts of Iron Age Europe, fanning the flames of the current wave of Celtomania, but still largely disregarded by classical art historians. The dominant model continues to be that of a " Kulturgefälle " between the "Hochkulturen" of the Mediterranean and the barbarians of Europe. This model is perpetuated, neither as a modern construct borrowed from ancient Mediterranean authors and cemented by centuries of classical orientation in the Western ideology of history, nor as a value judgment based on subjective criteria, but as an actual fact of history with both descriptive and explanatory force.

It is not surprising, then, that "Celtic" art histories almost uniformly begin with the dying Gaul, a Roman copy of a Greek original of third-century BCE Pergamon. The life-size figure was part of a political monument celebrating victory over the barbarian foe. The compelling quality of this gorgeous image seduces the viewer into forgetting that it is not a very objective portrayal, and tells us less about the "Celts" than how the Greeks, and by extension we, see them.

This Hellenocentric history has left its mark on the study of "Celtic" art in three major forms: 1. A great deal of effort and ink is still devoted to the search for Greek elements in "Celtic" art.

Striking examples of this trend include the interpretation of the fortification wall at the Heuneburg, which "must" have been constructed with the collaboration of a Greek architect and the Hirschlanden warrior, who is "unthinkable" without, and may allegedly have been cut from, a Greek kouros. The burial of wagons in "Celtic" tombs has been "explained" as an imitation of the Greek Ekphora , thus attributing an entire class of vehicles to Greek influence.

What Boardman calls "the assimilation of classical debris" (1994, 306) is frequently observed on "Celtic" bronze flagons. Indeed, the very shape is credited to Etruscan prototypes, themselves derivative of Greek vessels. The figural motifs of heads or beasts are traced back to the handle attachments of Greek and Etruscan vessels. Although Lenerz-de Wilde and others have shown that the principles of composition underlying the non-figural motifs are based on compass-drawn geometries entirely different from Greek floral anthemia, the former are still often considered to be direct descendants of the latter (see 3.). 2. A primary focus of much writing about "Celtic" art is the determination of the exact paths of influence, particularly the ideologically charged issue of whether orientalizing elements were assimilated directly from the east or via the process of Hellenization.

The discussions of the nine drinking horns found in the Hochdorf burial, for example, have not focused on the obvious questions: why are there nine? are they in the tomb for use in the afterlife, and if so, by whom? what role did they play in banquets amongst the living? Instead, several exhaustive treatments have addressed the interpretation of the material in light of the traditional question of derivation: did the "Celts" derive their drinking horns directly from the Near East or Eurasia, or was the practice adopted in emulation of the Greeks? (see the "Celtic" Trinkfest).

The same is true of interpretations of motifs in "Celtic" art. Since Jacobsthal, "Celtic" art history has resembled a tug-of-war between those advocating eastern sources and those who see only Mediterranean influence. The third source, indigenous tastes and traditions, has received rather less attention.

Frey and Schwappach 1980 339
drawing captioned "Frieze of a Caeretan Hydria" 3. Examinations into the diffusion of Greek culture into Europe are based on the practice of comparing drawings of Greek ornament with drawings of "Celtic" motifs.

Juxtapositions of superficially familiar forms are strongly persuasive, creating the impression of a direct line of descent. Lotus-palmette friezes of Caeretan hydriai of about 525 BCE are considered the direct antecedents of "Celtic" openwork patterns, notably the gold foil cup from Schwarzenbach and the Eigenbilsen drinking horn foil of ca. 400 BCE. When we compare the actual pieces, or at least color photographs of the objects, rather than line drawing, of course, we note the colors and materials, the subsidiary placement of the ornament on the hydria, and the sculptural quality of the foil. The gold openwork pattern consists of fully-formed and unmistakably "Celtic" elements. There are no intermediate pieces showing a process of reduction and transformation. As Jacobsthal observed in 1944, "again and again we hit on the same enigma: Early Celtic art has no genesis" (1944/69, 158). In other words, there is no period of apprenticeship, of imitation, assimilation and gradual separation into a distinct style.

Blossom-palmette friezes. Frey 1980, fig. 14
Top: Caeretan hydria.
Middle: Eigenbilsen gold foil drinking horn ornament.
Bottom: Gold cup from Schwarzenbach.

Reconstructed gold foil ornament originally applied on cup of organic material (?). Found at Schwarzenbach (Germany).

Black figure hydria, ca, 530-525
Painter of the Caeretan Hydriai.
Paris: Louvre. After VRC slide.

Detail of gold foil ornament band, drinking horn, found at Eigenbilsen (Belgium).

The aesthetic and repertoire are strikingly reminiscent of the arrangements of teardrop and comma shapes, the bands of linear ornament, and the surface articulation observed in the gold foil ornaments added to the Kleinaspergle drinking cups. Typical early La Tène motifs are arranged on the interior and exterior of two imported Attic kylikes without regard to the original Greek vase paintings. Analysis of the foil pieces, abstract teardrop shapes and circles, reveals that the floral ornaments of the kylikes and the figural scene were neither imitated by the "Celtic" artisan, nor adapted in any way. Indeed, the Attic elements were entirely ignored in favor of local abstraction, handling of material and style that would have been entirely foreign to the Athenians who made the cups.

1, 4, 6: Ornaments in Greek Red Figure vase painting.
2: Bern-Schoßhalde silver fibula.
3: Dammelberg torc.
5: Sanzeno sword scabbard.
7: Bussy-le-Château (France) torc.
Frey 1980, fig. 22

The line drawings of motifs on "Celtic" objects conceal from us differences in scale, materials, types and functions of the objects themselves. A comparison drawing of a very common type is represented here by Frey's 1980 Fig. 22. Presented side-by-side are, in the top row, a Greek motif and a "Celtic" fibula detail in the second row, a detail from a torc beside a Greek motif, and on the bottom a Greek motif beside a "Celtic" torc detail. This arrangement seems to speak for itself, but is confusing upon close examination. One must turn to the captions to discover the types and origins of the objects. The "Celtic" examples are identified, but "Ornaments in Greek Red Figure vase painting" gives no specifics as to date, place of manufacture in Greece or Italy, vase type, placement of ornament on vase, or whether any Greek vases with ornaments of this kind were actually found in "Celtic" contexts. Nevertheless, Frey writes that "there is no doubt that the continuous wave tendril is to be derived directly from Greek motifs" (note 6, 1980, 85).

The Besançon flagon is an Etruscan import found in France. It, too, presents us with an example of a Mediterranean object that was physically in the hands of a "Celtic" artisan, allowing us to observe any direct influence that may have taken place. The ornaments incised into the bronze by the Celt include a palmette-like motif that echoes the handle attachment's form in an entirely new fashion. The rest of the vessel is covered with swirling yin-yang circles, teardrop commas and other purely local motifs that contrast jarringly with the simple, rigid Etruscan palmette.

An inescapable conclusion emerges. Although the local craftsmen handled, repaired and embellished objects imported from the Mediterranean Hochkulturen , they were apparently not over-impresssed their own style is in no way altered or diverted by any southern "influence." If anything, the local pieces may be read as an explicit rejection of Mediterranean illusionism and figural narrative. When a foreign motif or stylistic element was introduced into the "Celtic" repertoire, it was immediately and unmistakably appropriated into the "Celtic" artistic language. Thus, zoomorphic creatures, floral elements, geometric aptterns, disembodied heads or vessel forms do not undergo any lengthy transition from copy to adaptation to transformation. When such an element appears in "Celtic" art, whether inspired by an import or not, it appears in "Celtic" style.

More interesting, perhaps, than the short list of imported motifs is the enormous range of Mediterranean interests that clearly held no attraction for the "Celts" and were consistently rejected in favor of local priorities. The historian may ask why the "Celts" refused to write down their stories, or why they did not build monumental stone architecture. The art historian notes the rejection of figural, narrative art, of illusionism, and of the logic of Greek floral and geometric ornament in favor of abstraction, stylization, dismemberment and curvilinear ornament that denies distinctions between foreground and background. "Celtic" metalwork is highly sculptural, while retaining linear articulation, rejecting the classical Greek striving for integration of sculptural form and surface. "Celtic" pottery is never decorated with narrative figural scenes instead, its ornaments are polychrome and textural. In short, "Celtic" producers and consumers alike neither perceived an inferiority or lack in their own fully developed stylistic and craft traditions, nor did they look to the Mediterranean as the "center" from which artistic influences were to be imported.


Coventina - Goddess of Sacred Waters - Celtic Goddess

Coventina was a goddess of wells and springs, she represented abundance, inspiration, and prophecy. She is depicted in triple form or as a water nymph on a leaf, pouring water from a vessel. Votive offerings to Coventina include coins, brooches, rings, pins, glassware, and pottery.

Little is known of Coventina other than that she was a purely local British goddess of some importance. She is best observed from the period of the Roman occupation, at which time she shows a classical influence but is clearly Celtic in origin. On one bas relief found at Carrawburgh (near Hadrian's Wall) her name is associated with three nymphs holding vessels with issuing streams of water on another she is pictured as a water nymph on a leaf, pouring water from a vessel.

It is known that she was looked upon as the queen of river Goddesses, particularly of the watershed where the Celtic believe the power of the river deity could be seen and its energy most keenly felt. She was most closely associated with England's Caldew River.

Like other river deities, she represented abundance, inspiration, and prophecy. The coins offered to her appear to be sacrifices made in the hopes of sympathetic magick in which like attracts like. In Scotland she was also the Goddess of featherless flying creatures which may have represented some type of blockage to passing into the Otherworld. There is also evidence of her having been worshipped in Celtic Gaul where relief's have been found depicting her reclining on a floating leaf.

She apparently had high status, and is referred to in inscriptions as "Augusta" and "Sancta." Coventina is usually portrayed as a water nymph, naked and reclining on lapping waves. She holds a water lily, and in one depiction is shown in triplicate pouring water from a beaker.


When it comes to the ancient Belgae tribes of continental Europe there is definitely a conundrum as to whom they really were.

Even Julius Caesar who wrote about them in his Commentarii De Bello Gallico and battled with them for four years before defeating them, was confused about the origin of, race, and lingustic classification of the ancient Belgae.

Interestingly , the Belgae themselves were confused by their own ethnic identity. Some claimed to be Germanic and others claimed to be Celtic, according to Caesar.

What is believed today is that the Belgae were a confederacy of ethnically mixed tribes living between the Celts and the Germans in what is now northern France and Benelux from at least the third century BC. It is the traditional territory bound by the Rhine to the east, the Marne and Seine Rivers to the southwest and the English channel to the north. They are the earliest named inhabitants of what is today the country of Belgium.

What we know of the Belgae we get mostly from Caesar&aposs De Bello Gallico and what he wrote about them in the 50&aposs BC.

Caesar and other classical writers have described them as Gauls but also as distinct from "Celtic" Gauls and also having Germanic ancestry.

Their exact ethnic background is still a source of discussion today. They clearly had affiliations of various types with both other Gauls to their south and Germanic people east of the Rhine River.

Caesar described the Gauls (58-51 BC) as divided into three parts:

  • Aquitani - in the southwest region of Gaul
  • Gauls - in the biggest central part and were called Celtae by the Romans
  • Belgae in the northern most region of Gaul

The Belgae were described by Caesar as also having a Teutonic inter-mixture in the warrior class. It is believed today that the Belgae may have crossed the North Sea and migrated to modern day Norway and vice versa.

Of the three Gaulish confederation of tribes, Caesar believed "the bravest of the three groups were the Belgae because they lived farthest from the developed civilization of Rome."

Pomponius Mela (41 AD) wrote about a sailing route from Gibraltar northwards by the Atlantic Ocean. Further north is Thule and Mela. He wrote:

". . . Thule is situated north of the Belgian coasts. The nights are extremely short here during the summer because of the late sunset. These areas are close to Asia, and the people are almost exclusively of Belgium stock . . ."

And Dio Cassius (200 AD) wrote in his histories:

"The Belgae lives in several tribes by the Rhine and areas by the sea opposite Britain."

So, the origins of the Belgae have remained a mystery even up to today. Historians and lingusts believe they were certainly in their area of Europe by 150 BC. And, the Belgae were the only ones in Gaul who successfully repelled the migrating Teutones from Germania, again according to Caesar.

The best estimate made by historians, according to the archaeology dug up, locate the first Germanic crossings of the Rhine at approximately 350 BC and later. Therefore, the ethnic Belgae are believed to have originated around 300 B

And it is from Caesar that we learn of the Belgae tribes. Caesar lists them as:

  • Atrebates
  • Ambiani
  • Morini
  • Menapii
  • Nervii
  • Aduatuci/Tungri
  • Eburones
  • Condrusi
  • Paemani
  • Remi
  • Treveri
  • Caeresi
  • Ubii

In 57 BC, Caesar had conquered Gaul and Belgica, but after a few years of subjugation, the Belgae brought a major revolt against Julius Caesar and his Roman army from 54-53 BC when the Eburones dan Nevii tribes of northeastern Gaul rebelled against having Roman soldiers quartered in their homes.

They were led in battle by Ambiorix, one of the tribal leaders or prince of the Eburones. Ambiorix and his tribes killed a whole Roman legion and five cohorts.

Caesar was so furious that he returned to fight the Belgae with 50,000 trained Roman soldiers to annihilate them. The Belgae tribes were crushed, slaughtered, driven out, and their fields burned. It was Caesar&aposs genocide in Gaul.

After conquering the Gauls, Aquitanians and Belgae, Caesar combined the three parts of Gaul into a single province of the Romans Empire and called it Gallia Comata meaning "long haired Gaul."

Ruins of the Roman city of Venta Belgarum originally settled by the Belgae. Today, Winchester, England.

Anti-Roman factions of the Belgae flee to Britain.

The Belgae tribes settle in southeastern Britain among the Brittonic Celts of today&aposs Engand.

Belgae coins from the Ambiani tribe unearthed in southeastern Britain. Pre-Roman invasion (43 AD) of Britain.


Armenia and the Celts (Gauls)

Coming to Europe, the Celts settled in the central and western vast territories of that continent in almost all the European countries: France, Spain, Germany, Italy, England, Belgium, Irland, etc. They were called Keltoi by the Greeks, galli and gallatian by the Romans.

In Armenian literature they are called the gauls (gaghiatsi). Celts are also known under the names of Caul and Gaul. According to a widely spread viewpoint, the ancestors of the Celts have come to Central Europe from the Black Sea coastal areas.

But another opinion states that the Celtes are the natives of the territories situated in the middle stream areas of the Rhein and the Danube Rivers (since the 7thc. B.C.). Later in the 6thc. B.C. the Celtic tribes moved to the West inhabiting the modern territories of France, Spain and Britain.

The Celtes of France (also of Belgium and Switzerland) were called Gauls by the Romans and their territory was called Gaul (Latin: Gallia).

The Historical Atlas of Celtic Culture, р. 1420

In the IV c. B. C. began their shifts towards the East and other places. Some researchers consider Armenia (northern parts of Armenia) to be the ancestral Homeland of the Celts. If this is the case Celtic tribes might supposedly have moved towards the West (today’s territories of France and Belgium) by way of the Black Sea and the Danube River.

In 390–387 B.C. the Celts crossed the Apennine Mountains and conquered Rome. In the 3rd c. B.C., reaching Asia Minor, they settled in the western bend of the Halys River Basin, where they were called galats by the Romans.

In Asia Minor they founded the State of Galatia (Cappadocia, Phrygia, Central Anatolia) with Ancyra being its centre (ancient Hittitian Hattusa, now Ankara). Armenian historians, Movses Khorenatsi (5th c.) and Movses Kaghankatvatsi (7th c.) have written about the Celts (Galatians) in their works. M. Khorenatsi writes that Galatian troops and their Eastern regiment led by Vahan Amatuni were sent to Atrpatakan by the Romans to protect the country from the Persian king.66 Movses Kaghankatvatsi, on the other hand, writes about the origin of the Celts and the Galatians mentioning that they are the descendents of Japheth’s son Magog.67

The Celtic tribes practiced farming and cattle-breeding. Craftsmanship (the making of pottery, glass and bronze objects) and trade were also developed. The Celts worshiped the tree of life (oak tree). Celtic (also Irish) crosses witness about their nation’s cultural connection with Armenia. Their circular Sun-like discs and plaited patterns remind us of Armenian ornaments and crosses (later cross-stones) of pre-Christian and Christian times.

Some heroes in the Celtic mythology have the following names Er, Eriy (Eriu), Eremon68 which are similar to Armenian names. Irish Celts used to be called Ériu (now Éire). The name Ériu is very close to the tribe and country name of Eria(ini) that was carved in Armenian king (735–713 B.C.) Rusa I’s cuneiform inscription uncovered in the Tsovinar village, located on the banks of Lake Sevan. Eria(ini) is mentioned alongside with the tribeand settlement name Uelkuni.

Let us now refer to an ancient Irish legend that allows us to see the connection between Armenia and Ireland. According to that legend Ireland was conquered by a group of warriors (or adventurers), who won the war against god Danu’s tribe, who used to live there.

Among the newly arrived people were two brothers (or a father and a son inanother version) named Ire and Eremon. Ire was proclaimed king ofthat country. Later the country was called Ireland in his honour.69

In the legend the newly arrived people were from Greece but the names Ireland and Eremon allow us to say that their ancestral Homeland was Armenia (the newly arrived people, leaving Armenia, may have settled in Greece first and later moved to Ireland). It is worth remembering that in other stories the heroes (Bavarius, Norikus and Slavs) were the sons of Hercules. Armenian-Irish cultural (cross-stones, architectural elements), ritual, worshipping and other similarities have attracted the attention of many researchers.

An eminent orientalist and Armenologist Nicholay Mar (1864– 1934), having studied European and Minor Asian mythological traditions has mentioned that ‘‘In Europe mythological traditions were preserved by the Celts, who lived in the Armenian Got-tan or Kol-ten (Գողթն-Goghtn, Nakhichevan) region’’.70

The above mentioned is also stated in the “Flammarion Dictionary of the French Language”, where the following is written about the Gauls: “Les Gaulois sont installes sur le territoire actuel de la France relativement tard, vers 500 av. J. C. Originaire de Boheme ou de Baiere, ils parlaient une langue indo-europeenne de type celtique (comme le Breton ou le gaelique)’ (“The Gauls have settled in today’s France relatively late, in about 500 B.C., They came from Bohemia or Bavaria.

They spoke one of the Indo-European languages, Celtic, which is similar to Breton or Gaelic”).71
We see that according to this information Gauls came from Bavaria and spoke Celtic, like Breton (Brits). Martiros Kavoukjian, an Armenian intellectual, has also studied the ancient relations between Celtic tribes and Armenia.

Comparing a number of words in the Indo-European language families, he has suggested that the ancestors of Celtic (Welsh), Cornish and Breton speaking peoples have lived in places (in their ancestral Indo-European Homeland), where the words beginning with [v] were changed to [g]: e.g. gini (գինի-wine in Armenian, Indo-European root: voinio/ voino, Cimmerian gwin), gueghts (փափագ-gland/wish, Ind.-Eur. root: vel, old Cornish-guell, Breton-guell), gueghmn (ալիք- wool/ wave, Ind.-Eur. root: vel/vol, Cimmerian-gwlan, Cornish-gluan, Breton-gloan), garun (գարուն- spring, Ind.-Eur. root: vēsr/vēr, old Cimmerian-guiannuin, Cornish-guaintoin) and other words were pronounced with [g] not with [v]. The same is in Armenian72.

Making use of comparative linguistic methods (borrowings, Indo-European original roots) Kavoukjian suggested that the ancestral Homeland of Celtic languages was situated in the north-eastern part of the Armenian Highlands along the upper stream of the Kur River and on the territory of Chldr-Sevan Lakes.

The Homeland of Celtic tribes (M. Kavoukjian, 2010, p. 307)

Among the inscriptions of Ararat-Urartu kings, Argishti I (786– 764 B.C.), Sarduri II (764–735 B.C.) and Rusa I (735–713 B.C.), we come across the Gulutahi, Uelikuni, Uelikuhi toponymic names as the western locations and southern coastal areas of Lake Sevan (mark that those names are also tribe names).73 G. Ghapantsyan thinks that the name Uelikunis still preserved in the south-western territory of Lake Sevan in the form of Gegharkuni (Gegharkunik)74. Researcher S. Petrosyan is also sure of this point of view.75 M. Kavukjian states that in Armenian [v], [u] or [w] is changed into [g], UelikuniGegharkuni.76

According to historian M. Khorenatsi, one of the Armenian forefathers named Gegham (Gegh-am=ma) lived at the ‘‘seashore’’ behind the mountain in the north-eastern part of the country. The mountain was called Gegh after his name along with the country as well as the ‘‘sea’’ Gegharkuni77 (the Gegharkunyats Sea, Lake Sevan).

The country (Gegharkuni), the mountain (Gegh), the sea (Gegharkuni) as well as the tribe have the same stem [gegh] (Uel-Wel) in them. Among Lake Sevan coastal area tribes, G. Ghapantsyan singles out the gegh-uel tribe, the Uelikuni-Gegharkuni country and the forefather named Gegham, after whom the tribe was called, allowing us to consider that the Welch (Wel-ch) tribe could have preserved its tribe and ancestral Homeland’s name Uelikuni (Gegharkuni). 78

Thus, we may presume that the Uelikuhi, Uelikuni (Geghakuni, Gegharkuni) and Gulutahi settlements of the Armenian Highlands had been the original homelands of the Uel-Wel (Guel) and Gul (Gol) tribes. It is probable to consider also that the Uelikuni-Gulutahi country, including in its boundaries the Gegh (Geghama) Mountain Range, was the original Homeland of the tribes, which were called Celts by the Greeks and Gauls, Galat by the Romans.79

Hence we may assert that during several shifts in the II–I millennia B.C., the Celtic tribes known as the Celts or the Gauls were spread throughout Europe contributing greatly to the formation of European civilization and culture.

Leaving their Homeland they brought with them both spiritual (worship of gods, the Sun, and the trees, traditions and rites) and material values (bronze and iron processing, founding of new settlements and architecture skills), which attest to the similarities and relations between ancient Armenian-Celtic cultural values.

We should also bear in mind the similarities in the names and meanings of the ancient monuments (observatories) of Karahunj in Armenia (middle of the 5th millennium B.C.) and Stonehenge in Britain (middle of the 3rd millenium. B.C.), noting that ‘‘kar’’ in Armenian means ‘‘stone’’, while ‘‘hunj’’ and ‘‘henge’’ are very close in their pronunciation. They also attest to the ancient connection between the Armenian Highlands and Celtic tribes.80

Concluding, it should be noted that the history of European people (belonging to Indo-European language family) begins from Armenia, which means that the ancestral Homeland of European people (IndoEuropeans, Arians) was Armenia.

66 Movses Khorenatsi, 1981, p. 313

67 Movses Kaghankatvatsi, “History of Aghuank”, Y., 1969, p. 2

68 Mythology of the World Nations, M., 1988, v. I, p. 54, 1991, v. II, p. 636

69 Quiggin E.C., Encyclopedica Britanica 13 ch Ed, 1926, Ireland Kavoukjian M., The Origin of the Names Armen and Hay and Urartu, Beirut, 1973, p. 365–366

70 Mar N., Caucasian Cultural World and Armenia, Y., 1995, p. 122

71 Dictionnaire Flammarion de la langue française, Paris, 1999, p. IV, (translated by Komitas archimandrite Hovnanyan).

72 Kavoukjian M., Studies about Armenian Ancient History, Y., 2010, the Homeland of Celtic Tribes and Celtic-Caucasian Connections, p. 301–304

73 Melikishvili G., Urartian Cuneiform Inscriptions, M., 1960, p. 266

74 Kapantsyan G., Historical-linguistic meanings of Toponymic Names in Ancient Armenia, Y., 1940, p. 22

75 Petrosyan S., The Unions of the Black Sea Coastal Areas in the North-East of the Armenian Highlands, VI–V cc. B. C., HPJ, 1976, N1

76 Kavoukjian M., The Homeland of the Celtic Tribes…, p.307

77 Movses Khorenatsi, 1981, p. 51

78 Ghapantsyan G., History of Urartu, Yerevan, 1940, p. 182,187

79 Kavoukjian M. the Homeland of Celtic tribes…, p. 306

80 Let us mention a recently made study. An English geneticist Stephen Oppenheimer in his 2006 book “The origins of the British” discusses the viewpoint that the ancient inhabitants of the British Isles, the Scottish people, the Welsh and the Irish have the same DNA, Y-chromosome traces that looks like the genetic code of the Basques.


Catatan

  1. For general introductions to archaeology see Cunliffe 1998. – Eggers 1959. – Eggert 2001. – Renfrew and Bahn 2005.
  2. For a general overview see Cunliffe 1998. – Jones 2008. – Kristiansen 1991 2000. – Milisauskas 2002. – Urban 2000. – Vandkilde 2007. – von Freeden and von Schnurbein 2002.
  3. Textile preservation under dry conditions is excluded here, because it does not occur in Central and Northern Europe. For examples from the deserts of the Nile Valley, see Wild 1988, 7.
  4. lihat Farke 1986. – Gillis and Nosch 2007. – Wild 1988, 7–12.
  5. lihat Chen et al. 1998. – Mitschke 2001, 29. – Wild 1988, 8 – 11.
  6. Banck-Burgess 1999, 93, pl. 1 and 2.
  7. Misalnya. Bender Jørgensen 1992. – Rast-Eicher 2008.
  8. Hallstatt: Grömer et al. 2013. – Dürrnberg: Stöllner 2005.
  9. Gengler 2005. – Van der Sanden 1996, 12.
  10. See Gengler 2005, 28: chapter 3.1.3.5, 37: chapter 3.3.1.
  11. lihat Farke 1986, 56. – Rast-Eicher 2012, 381.
  12. Fleckinger 2011. – Spindler et al. 1995. – Spindler 1995.
  13. Suter, Hafner and Glauser 2006.
  14. lihat Farke 1986, 55–57. – Van der Sanden 1996, 18, 20 and 120. – Wild 1988, 7–8.
  15. Mannering et al. 2012. – Möller-Wiering and Subbert 2012. – Schlabow 1976. – Van der Sanden 1996.
  16. Broholm and Hald 1940. – Hald 1980. – Mannering et al. 2012. – Schlabow 1976, 12.
  17. lihat Benac 1986, 109. – Car 2012.
  18. See Farke 1986, 57. – Rast-Eicher 2003. – Wild 1988, 11.
  19. Bender Jørgensen 1992, 115, fig.1. – Schlabow 1959.
  20. Wild 1988, 11, fig. 5.
  21. Examples see Richter 2010, fig. 34.2 – 34.3.
  22. lihat Grömer and Kern 2010.
  23. Kind comment by John Peter Wild, Manchester, Great Britain, Feb. 2015.
  24. Bühler-Oppenheim 1948, 84.
  25. See discussion about the term by Desrosiers 2010, 27–28.
  26. Seiler-Baldinger 1994. First published in 1973 as ‘Systematik der Textilen Techniken’, worked out at the Museum der Kulturen in Basel, Switzerland.
  27. Emery 1966 uses ‘fabric’ as the generic term for all fibrous constructions, ‘textile’ to refer specifically to woven fabrics.
  28. Médard 2010, 2012. – Rast-Eicher and Altorfer 2015. – Vogt 1937.


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